Monthly Archives: September 2012

Barren sections, jelly orphans and ghost clauses

Nothing more than a ramble, I’m afraid.  In fact, candidly, if you’re pushed for time, I wouldn’t bother. It contains nothing you need to know.  In an age of information overload, at least I’m telling you up front that you can cheerfully skip this.

I had cause last week to look up some of the fine detail of section 22 of the Children Act, which is about the duty of the LA to safeguard the welfare of children they are looking after, to try to get them placed at home with parents, to promote education and to ascertain their wishes and feelings and give regard to them.  In looking at it, I found a peculiar enabling clause within it, that allowed the Secretary of State to pass Regulations.

s 22 (7) If the Secretary of State considers it necessary, for the purpose of protecting members of the public from serious injury, to give directions to a local authority with respect to the exercise of their powers with respect to a child whom they are looking after, he may give such direction to the authority

 

(and then s22(8) Where any such directions are given to an authority, they shall comply with them even though doing so is inconsistent with their duties under this section)

 What a peculiar power  – the Secretary of State in certain cases, having the power to tell the LA how to look after a particular child in a particular way and the LA have to follow that, even if it is acting in a way that doesn’t safeguard and promote the child’s welfare.

The mind boggles at the thought of a Secretary of State who had such a hand on the tiller that they considered they might one day want to micro-manage an individual child’s case.  My best guess is whatever the 1987-89 equivalent of ‘feral children’ was being some live political fear at the time.  

It is hard to imagine any situation where the power would ever be used  (my best guess would be, if for some reason the State had not dealt with Venables and Thompson in the criminal justice system and done so purely as welfare, the way Norway did in a similar case) and for that reason, my quick check to see if any directions had ever been given under s22(7) has shown no positive results.

(They wouldn’t be regulations, so it is theoretically possible that all manner of s22(7) directions have been made and are just not recorded anywhere, but I doubt it)

And that led my brain, which you may have spotted is not averse to tangents, to wonder about those clauses in legislation that enable Secretaries of State to bring about this or that Regulation, and sit there all shiny and proud alongside all of the other clauses in the Act, only they end up never ever being taken down and used, nor revoked and just wait there, enabling provisions that never enable anything.

I don’t know if there’s a formal Parliamentary draftsmen term for that, but the best I can think of is “barren clauses”   – ones that anticipate giving birth in due course to Regulations or guidance, but never produce anything.

[Barren clauses reminded me of an old fact-oid that jelly babies had originally been named “jelly orphans” but that people had felt too sad to eat them, and thus they were rebranded, but although I distinctly recall coming across this fact somewhere, a quick check has just told me that they were initially called “peace babies” having been introduced by Bassets in 1918, and only when the concept of peace was either distant or bitterly ironic as yet another war loomed did they get rebranded.  

Shame, because I really wish the original story was true; but as ever, I find comfort in John Steinbeck  “There are people who will say that this whole account is a lie, but a thing isn’t necessarily a lie even if it didn’t necessarily happen” ]

 

 

And lo and behold, with a little more flipping, I came across another oddity in the Children Act. 

Clause 19.

Once upon a time, Parliament debated clause 19, and polished it to a fine glistening sheen, and the Lords peered at it and decided that it could live, and the Queen looked at what the Commons and the Lords had wrought and gave it her blessing.  I like to think that she touches the goatskin bound Bill with the blade of a sword and it becomes an Act, but I suspect in reality, her involvement in the process is delegated out and her contact with legislation is remote, tenuous and dull.  [* just as it is with Fish Royal, but that’s a digression too far for today]

And now, section 19 is blank. Repealed by s149(2) of the Education Act 2002.  And so it sits, a constitutional chasm, a legislative valley,  a blank space between clause 18 (7) and section 20; like the thirteenth floor in a superstitious hotel. 

And even with all the new bits and pieces that have been pushed into the Children Act since its introduction –  exclusion requirements (remember those?), care plans, leaving care provisions, inspection of boarding schools, the huge sweep of childminding (which turns s79 into quite the longest section in the Act, running from s79A right up to s79X at fourteen pages)  and special guardianship; nobody has thought to use  poor section 19 to bring in these shiny innovations. 

It has been there, ready to come to the aid of the legislators, but gets overlooked, in favour of abominations like s26ZB (which comes before s26A, if you can conceive of such nonsense)

Unless  a topic emerges that sits squarely between day care for children and provision for looked after children, section 19 is cursed, doomed forever to be a ghost clause, a space of infinite potential but no impact.

But still worse than poor ghost clause 19, is the fate which befell sections 71-78 of the Act, which vanished completely and without trace.  Worse even than that, is that together, those sections used to make up Part X of the Act, which no longer exists, although those cocksure newcomers s79A-s79X now have now seized all of that real-estate and rebranded it Part XA, the saucy beggars.   By all that is good and holy, why did we get rid of Part 10 and bring in a Part 10A?  

[Fish Royal, if you must know, is the legal term for whales, which like swans, all belong to the Queen, if they are on UK land. If a whale washes up ashore, it can’t be moved until the Queen gives permission. I once  had, amongst other peculiar roles, the responsibility of contacting the Queen if a whale washed up on the beach of our county which had a North Sea coastline. And there’s a lovely pretence, where you speak to an official and ask for the Queen’s consent for attempts to be made to save the whale, and the official pretends to go off and get instructions from the Queen before agreeing it.  They may even not actually leave the room and just do that fake footsteps on the floor thing that you do.  It was the most archaic, and yet charming,  thing  I ever did. By tacit agreement, none of us ever mentioned that whales aren’t even fish]

finally, something to get our teeth into

The Government have published their proposed legislation to bring about the Family Justice Review.  It’s a lot shorter than one would envisage.

 

You can find it here

 

http://www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/cm84/8437/8437.pdf

 

 

 

I won’t deal with the private law aspects, since my interest is in the public law side of things.

 

 

Here are the major headlines :-

 

 

An importation of a test of it ‘being necessary to assist the Court to resolve the matter justly’ before commissioning an expert assessment, and some factors to take into account

 

 

 

The factors are:-

(a) any impact which giving permission would be likely to have on the

welfare of the children concerned, including in the case of permission

as mentioned in subsection (3) any impact which any examination or

other assessment would be likely to have on the welfare of the child

who would be examined or otherwise assessed,

(b) the issues to which the expert evidence would relate,

(c) the questions which the court would require the expert to answer,

(d) what other expert evidence is available (whether obtained before or

after the start of proceedings),

 (e) whether evidence could be given by another person on the matters on

which the expert would give evidence,

(f) the impact which giving permission would be likely to have on the

timetable, duration and conduct of the proceedings,

(g) the cost of the expert evidence, and

(h) any matters prescribed by Family Procedure Rules.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Time limits

 

We all knew this was coming.  They have tagged it into the original section 32 of the Act  (yes, that section 32 that everyone talks about all the time and that is at the forefront of everyone’s mind when doing care proceedings. To save you scrabbling for the Act, it is the Court’s duty to set a timetable to determine the case)

 

Here’s what the new provisions say :-

Amend s32 to include

 

 In subsection (1)(a) (timetable to dispose of application without delay) for

.application without delay; and. substitute .application.

(i) without delay, and

(ii) in any event within twenty-six weeks beginning with

the day on which the application was issued; and..

 

So that’s the hard cap, of twenty-six weeks – we then get into the fudging of that hard cap (to mix metaphors terribly)

 

 

Section 4.(3)

 

(Insert in section 32 of the Act, section 32(2) )

 

S32 (3) A court, when drawing up a timetable under subsection (1)(a), must in

particular have regard to.

(a) the impact which the timetable would have on the welfare of the

child to whom the application relates; and

(b) the impact which the timetable would have on the conduct of

the proceedings.

 

S32 (4) A court, when revising a timetable drawn up under subsection (1)(a) or

when making any decision which may give rise to a need to revise such

a timetable (which does not include a decision under subsection (5)),

must in particular have regard to.

 

(a) the impact which any revision would have on the welfare of the

child to whom the application relates; and

 

(b) the impact which any revision would have on the duration and

conduct of the proceedings.

 

S32 (5) A court in which an application under this Part is proceeding may

extend the period that is for the time being allowed under subsection

(1)(a)(ii) in the case of the application, but may do so only if the court

considers that the extension is necessary to enable the court to resolve

the proceedings justly.

 

S32 (6) When deciding whether to grant an extension under subsection (5), a

court is to take account of the following guidance: extensions are not to

be granted routinely, but are to be seen as exceptional and as requiring

specific justification.

 

S32 (7) Each separate extension under subsection (5) is to end no more than

eight weeks after the later of.

(a) the end of the period being extended; and

 

(b) the end of the day on which the extension is granted.

 

S32 (8) The Lord Chancellor may by regulations amend subsection (1)(a)(ii), or

the opening words of subsection (7), for the purpose of varying the

period for the time being specified in that provision.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(9) Rules of court may provide that a court.

(a) when deciding whether to exercise the power under subsection

(5), or

 

(b) when deciding how to exercise that power,

must, or may or may not, have regard to matters specified in the rules,

or must take account of any guidance set out in the rules..

(4) In subsection (1) (court.s duty, in the light of rules made by virtue of subsection

(2), to draw up timetable and give directions to implement it).

(a) for .hearing an application for an order under this Part. substitute .in

which an application for an order under this Part is proceeding., and

(b) for .rules made by virtue of subsection (2)). substitute .provision in

rules of court that is of the kind mentioned in subsection (2)(a) or (b))..

 

 

That’s less clear than one would hope, so I’ll break it down.

 

  • When setting a timetable, the Court is now obliged by statute to consider the impact on the welfare of the child and the impact on the proceedings of that timetable.  [They don’t deal with the elephant in the room that sometimes the article 6 right for the proceedings to be fair may clash with the welfare of the child for the decision to be taken in a timely fashion, but ho-hum]  

 

  • If the Court has to revise that timetable, they need to take into account the impact of that revision on the welfare of the child and the impact on the proceedings

 

  • The Court has the power to go beyond 26 weeks, but only if the extension is necessary to enable the Court to resolve the proceedings justly.   [This is the barn doors being flung wide and truly open, and is pretty much how we justify delay now by labelling it ‘constructive delay’]

 

  • Best try and close those barn doors, before all the horses get out, so if the Court is going beyond 26 weeks,  the Court must be aware that such extensions are not to be granted routinely but are to be seen as exceptional  and requiring specific justification       [Oh, we took off the barn doors, but it’s okay, because we have replaced them with doors made out of tissue paper, hooray!]

 

  • Each extension can only last 8 weeks, but the Court can make as many as are required, provided that the criteria for granting an extension are made out. [We’ve got more tissue-paper barn doors in the back, don’t worry]

 

  • The Lord Chancellor can revise the wording of s32 (1) (a) or the new s32(7) – which are the ‘it’s 26 weeks’ and ‘each separate extension is no more than 8 weeks’  and can amend these by Regulations.    [Hey, just in case you were planning to misuse those tissue paper doors, the Government is going to bring in more horrible regulations to stop you if the average case length doesn’t come down to something like 26 weeks]

 

  • And we can set Rules as to how the Court must make the decision about granting adjournments, in case you’re misusing them and applying them to nearly all cases, as the Court will inevitably be invited to do.

 

 

I think this is pretty much what I suspected it would be, having been to the Mr Justice Ryder roadshow  – the judiciary had persuaded the Government to allow them to have discretion rather than a fixed hard cap, and the Government had allowed them that discretion, but made it plain that such discretion will be taken away from the judiciary by new Regs and Rules if it is misused.

 

I’m really struggling to see how any individual case being dealt with by the Court of Appeal where an adjournment is being sought for something that would currently be granted and is refused by Judges applying this new s32 will not be overturned.  Yes, looking at the vast sea of cases as a whole, the Court of Appeal will think that it is right that they are all dealt with expeditiously, but in this particular case, the delay is justifiable.

 

In short, I don’t think there is enough meat on the bones to show why the Court would be right to refuse an adjournment in this case and right to allow it in this other case.  Until we get some solid guidance from the Court of Appeal, there will just be a horrific log-jam of cases where adjournments are sought, refused and challenged (or allowed for fear of an appeal which would delay things further than the actual planned delay)

 

I see no other outcome from this than the Government looking at the stats after the new Act comes into force and saying “right, well you’re nowhere near 26 weeks, so that judicial discretion you wanted is going to have to be taken away, or locked down really tightly”

 

The guidance is interesting on the factors that might justify extension, and are far far far more limited than a reading of the legislation would suggest   

 

51.The factors which may be relevant when the court is considering whether to extend time beyond 26 weeks or beyond the end of a previous extension may include, for example, the disability or other impairment of a person involved in the proceedings, if that means that their involvement in the case requires more time than it otherwise would, or external factors beyond the court’s control, such as parallel criminal proceedings.

 

Interim Care Orders and Interim Supervision Orders to last as long as needed

 

As a Local Authority lawyer, the renewal of ICOs and ISOs in long-running proceedings where they are not being challenged is a dull and pointless process, and I’m glad they’re being got rid of; but losing the tool of ‘short order, until the matter can be litigated’ might be more problematic than the legislators realised.

 

I can also see that with the idea of a 26 week cap, contested ICOs will probably become more prevalent  (you need to have the child in your care at week 26 to have a good chance of a positive outcome since the Court won’t be granting adjournments and extensions to allow for a phased rehab or further work, hence it becomes much more critical where the child is at that 26 week cut-off)

 

 

Get your nose out of the care plan

 

 

The Court now has to look at the ‘permanence provisions’ of the care plan  (whether the child will live with parents, relatives or elsewhere) but nothing else.  But the legislation is worded that the Court is no longer required to consider the remainder of the care plan, and it seems to me that this is not likely to be sufficient to stop Judges who have become well-accustomed to inspecting, dissecting and tinkering with the fine detail of care plans, and counsel who wish them to do so, from abandoning that practice.   It’s a bit peculiar that the ‘permanence provisions’ don’t specifically include contact, but as they say ‘the long term plan for the upbringing of the child’  it is probably wide enough to include anything the Judge wants to take an interest in.

 

 

I think, on the whole, I rather prefer John Hemming’s proposals for reforms.