The President has given his judgment in Q v Q, and it is a helluva read.
If you want the “Too Long: Didn’t Read” version – in a case where the Judge concludes that it is necessary for a party to be legally represented or to have the costs of an expert paid for and that failure to do so would be a breach of article 6, and the Legal Aid Agency refuse to use their power under s10 LASPO to grant exceptional funding, the Court would be entitled to order that Her Majesty’s Court Service pay for the legal representation.
The original Q v Q I wrote about here :- https://suesspiciousminds.com/2014/06/09/q-v-q-an-impasse/
The facts broadly are that a father was seeking contact with his child, an expert assessment as to future risk had been obtained, he disagreed with the conclusion and wanted to challenge it by way of cross-examination, but wasn’t in a position to do that himself, it was a task that would have been beyond him. At the end of the judgment, the President floated the idea that if the Court considered that a party’s article 6 right to a fair trial was being breached, and the Legal Aid Agency wouldn’t pay for representation, then the Court Service might well have a duty to. He didn’t finally determine that, giving the Ministry of Justice a chance to intervene and make representations as to why not (they didn’t take that chance, because they are not the brightest crayon in the box)
The President also bundled up with Q v Q two private law cases where serious sexual offences were being alleged against the father and the Legal Aid Agency’s refusal to grant exceptional funding was going to place the Court in a position where the father might have to cross-examine in person the alleged victim. One of those, D v K and B 2014 I wrote about here https://suesspiciousminds.com/2014/03/14/equality-of-arms-d-v-k-and-b-2014/
The judgment in Q vQ 2014 is here
I have not been, over the last few years, the biggest flag-waver for the President – many of my grumbles are about his performance as a reforming administrator rather than a Judge; but he delivers for justice here. And puts a target on his head, because this won’t be a popular decision in the Ministry of Justice, who are probably in a room now with a flip chart drawing up battle-plans and watching old episodes of Judge John Deed to try to pick up some tips for when the MOJ are at war with a ‘rogue’ Judge.
Let’s have a quick look at why the MOJ, when placed on notice that the President was contemplating making a decision that would in effect be – “either the LAA write a cheque or HMCS write a cheque, but a cheque’s going to get written”, decided not to get involved
I decided to invite the Secretary of State for Justice (para 20) to:
“intervene in the proceedings to make such submissions as are appropriate in relation, in particular, to the argument that in a situation such as this the expenditure which is not available from the Legal Aid Agency but which, in the view of the court, if it be the view of the court, is necessary to be incurred to ensure proceedings which are just and fair, can be met either from the Legal Aid Agency by route of the other certificate, the mother’s certificate, or directly at the expense of the court.”
On 25 June 2014 I received a letter from Shailesh Vara MP, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Justice in the Ministry of Justice. After an opening paragraph the letter reads as follows:
“I am very grateful for the opportunity to intervene but the Ministry of Justice does not propose to do so in this case.
Ministers have no right or power to intervene in individual legal aid funding decisions made by the Director of Legal Aid Casework. The independence of the Director is an important statutory measure, which ensures impartiality in decision making. From the information recorded in your judgment, it is clear that the father in this case failed to satisfy the statutory merits criteria required to access funding. The merits test is a fundamental and long established part of the legal aid system, and ensures that limited public money is focussed on sufficiently meritorious cases and is not available in cases lacking sufficient merit. It is clearly established that it is legitimate for the Government to focus limited public resources through applying a merits test.
As you record in your judgment, there is expert evidence in the case (one report plus addenda commissioned by the father and one plus addendum commissioned jointly by the mother and the father) which set out unequivocally that the son would not be safe in his father’s presence and that at the moment there should be no contact between the father and the son. There have always been litigants in person in family proceedings, whether because individuals do not qualify for legal aid or choose to represent themselves, and the Courts have been able to resolve such proceedings justly and fairly.
I agree with you that further delay should be avoided in this case and, in the absence of a mechanism for funding the appearance of the experts or representation for the father, you will have to decide this issue in the absence of the cross examination you refer to in your judgment.”
So, we’re not coming, and if you can’t find a lawyer to do the cross-examination for free, then you’ll just have to decide the case without any cross-examination.
Do you remember in 1984 how Orwell talks about the Ministries in Airstrip One being named for the opposite of what they really do? So their Ministry of Peace was really a Ministry of War and so on? Ladies and Gentlemen, I give you the Ministry of Justice. Bravo, bravo.
The President goes through the various options, looking chiefly at the cases involving an allegation of rape in private law proceedings which is challenged and where the ‘accused’ has no lawyer. In short they are ‘pro bono’, the Guardian conducting the cross-examination, the father doing it in person or the Judge doing it and shows why each are insufficient and flawed.
He then establishes that as a result of European jurisprudence, notably Airey v Ireland, and the Human Rights Act, the Court itself is bound by article 6 and fair trial and would itself be breaching the person’s right to a fair trial if it were to conduct the trial in a way that it considers to be unjust
46. The court is a public authority for the purposes of the Human Rights Act 1998 and is therefore required, subject only to section 6(2), to act in a way which is compatible with Articles 6 and 8 of the Convention. So far as is material for present purposes Article 6(1) provides that “In the determination of his civil rights and obligations … , everyone is entitled to a fair … hearing within a reasonable time”. Article 8, which guarantees “the right to respect for … private and family life”, also affords significant procedural safeguards in relation to the court process. As the Strasbourg court said in McMichael v UK (1995) 20 EHRR 205, para 87, “the decision-making process leading to measures of interference must be fair and such as to afford due respect to the interests safeguarded by Article 8.”
47. It is necessary also to have regard to Article 47 of the European Charter of Fundamental Rights:
“Everyone whose rights and freedoms guaranteed by the law of the Union are violated has the right to an effective remedy before a tribunal in compliance with the conditions laid down in this Article.
Everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal previously established by law. Everyone shall have the possibility of being advised, defended and represented.
Legal aid shall be made available to those who lack sufficient resources insofar as such aid is necessary to ensure effective access to justice.”
I do not take up time considering whether this is applicable in cases such as those before me. In any event, it is not clear that it creates any greater right than arises under Articles 6 and 8 of the Convention: see Gudanaviciene and others v Director of Legal Aid Casework and another  EWHC 1840 (Admin), paras 36-37.
48. Article 6 guarantees the right of “practical” and “effective” access to the court. In the case of a litigant in person, the question is whether, without the assistance of a lawyer, the litigant will be “able to present her case properly and satisfactorily”: Airey v Ireland (Application no 6289/73) (1979) 2 EHRR 305, para 24. In that particular case, the court held that Ireland was in breach of Mrs Airey’s Article 6 rights because it was not realistic in the court’s opinion to suppose that, in litigation of the type in which she was involved, she could effectively conduct her own case, despite the assistance which the judge would afford to parties acting in person. In DEB v Germany  2 CMLR 529, para 46, the CJEU summarised the Strasbourg jurisprudence in this way:
“Ruling on legal aid in the form of assistance by a lawyer, the ECtHR has held that the question whether the provision of legal aid is necessary for a fair hearing must be determined on the basis of the particular facts and circumstances of each case and will depend, inter alia, upon the importance of what is at stake for the applicant in the proceedings, the complexity of the relevant law and procedure and the applicant’s capacity to represent himself effectively.”
49. Mantovanelli v France (Application no 21497/93) (1997) 24 EHRR 370, indicates the significance of the right to an adversarial hearing guaranteed by Article 6 specifically in the context of an expert’s report which is “likely to have a preponderant influence on the assessment of the facts by [the] court.”
The President also looked at section 31 G (6) of the amended Matrimonial and Famly Proceedings Act 1984
33….section 31G(6) of the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act 1984, set out in Schedule 10 of the Crime and Courts Act 2013, which came into effect on 22 April 2014:
“Where in any proceedings in the family court it appears to the court that any party to the proceedings who is not legally represented is unable to examine or cross-examine a witness effectively, the court is to –
(a) ascertain from that party the matters about which the witness may be able to depose or on which the witness ought to be cross-examined, and
(b) put, or cause to be put, to the witness such questions in the interests of that party as may appear to the court to be proper.”
And in conclusion
75…does section 31G(6) operate to confer on a judge of the Family Court power to forbid a party who wishes to conduct his own case from examining or cross-examining a witness? Again I have heard no sustained argument, but my inclination is to think that the answer is, no it does not, for principle suggests that such an important right is only to be cut down by express words or necessary implication, and neither is very obviously to be found in section 31G(6): see again General Mediterranean Holdings SA v Patel and Another  1 WLR 272. As against that, I can see the argument that there may be cases where to expose the alleged victim to cross-examination by the alleged perpetrator might engage the alleged victim’s rights, whether under Article 8 or Article 3, in such a way as to impose on the court an obligation under the 1998 Act to prevent it, so that in such a case section 31G(6) has to be read as giving the court the appropriate power to do so.
76. The second thing which is unclear is this: what, in contrast to the word “put” in section 31G(6), do the words “cause to be put” mean? When section 31G(6) provides that in certain circumstances “the court is to … put” questions, that must mean questioning by the judge or magistrate. In some – probably many – cases that will be entirely unproblematic. But in cases where the issues are as grave and forensically challenging as in Re B and Re C, questioning by the judge may not be appropriate or, indeed, sufficient to ensure compliance with Articles 6 and 8. There is, in my judgment, very considerable force in what Roderic Wood J and Judge Wildblood said in the passages in their judgments (respectively, para 24 and paras 6(iii)-(v)) which I have already quoted.
77. The words “cause to be put” must, in contrast, contemplate questioning by someone other than the judge. Now that someone else might be an advocate whom the court has managed to persuade to act pro bono. It might be the guardian, if there is one, or the guardian’s advocate. But there are, as both Roderic Wood J and Judge Wildblood understandably pointed out, great difficulties in expecting the guardian or the guardian’s advocate to undertake this role – difficulties which were expounded also in the argument before me. I agree with what Judge Wildblood said (para 6(ix) quoted above). The point applies with equal force in the circumstances of both Re B and Re C.
78. What then is the court to do if the father is unable to pay for his own representation and “exceptional” legal aid is not available?
79. In the ultimate analysis, if the criteria in section 31G(6) are satisfied, and if the judge is satisfied that the essential requirements of a fair trial as required by FPR 1.1 and Articles 6 and 8 cannot otherwise be met, the effect of the words “cause to be put” in section 31G(6) is, in my judgment, to enable the judge to direct that appropriate representation is to be provided by – at the expense of – the court, that is, at the expense of HMCTS.
Now, some caveats – the President is careful to say that these were cases with particular characteristics, each involving allegations of sexual offences and two involving allegations of rape, and that he had been looking at these cases in particular not s10 LASPO in general. And also we need to bear in mind that (a) the LAA might appeal this decision, as they are threatening to do with Gudanaviciene and others v Director of Legal Aid Casework and another  EWHC 1840 (Admin), and (b) hardly anyone at the LAA seems to have taken on board Gudanaviciene so far, as can be seen from the Smackdown judgment from HH Judge Bellamy I wrote about yesterday. The criminal bar were all cock-a-hoop about the Op Cotton judgment and the rug was pulled out from under them by the Court of Appeal.
Here are the President’s own caveats (and if you are a Local Authority lawyer or budget-holder note the chilling implications of the LA funding intervenors or grandparents to litigate against them)
In this judgment I have been concerned only to consider the problems that may arise in private law cases. I have therefore not had occasion to consider any further the point I made in Q v Q (para 18), where I suggested that “In a public law case where the proceedings are brought by a local authority, one can see a possible argument that failing all else the local authority should have to pay.” That is a matter for another day.
I have concluded that there may be circumstances in which the court can properly direct that the cost of certain activities should be borne by HMCTS. I emphasise that (the provision of interpreters and translators apart) this is an order of last resort. No order of this sort should be made except by or having first consulted a High Court Judge or a Designated Family Judge.
I emphasise also that the allegation in each case is one of sexual assault, in two of the cases an allegation of rape. It may be that a similar approach is appropriate in cases of serious non-sexual assault. It may be that it will not be appropriate in less serious cases. I express no concluded views, beyond drawing attention to the trite observation that everything will, in the final analysis, depend upon the particular facts of the specific case.
The Ministry of Justice, the LAA and HMCTS may wish to consider the implications. That is a matter for them. For my part I would urge the early attention of both the Children and Vulnerable Witnesses Working Group and the Family Procedure Rules Committee to those aspects of the various matters I have canvassed that fall within their respective remits.
In both of the live cases, the Judge gave the Legal Aid Agency one last chance to see sense and grant the funding under LASPO, but gave the clearest of indications that to proceed without representation would be an article 6 breach and that the Court would have to consider its own duty to fund such representation.
David Burrows solicitor forwarded me this Judgement earlier and I am still back to it hours later- overwhelmed with the relief knowing there will be more Justice.
Counts for nothing if they appeal, or ignore it in the same way they have done with every other authority that pulls the LAA up for unfairness. But I am still pleased with it, and hope that it might be a starting point for fairer decisions on s10 LASPO.
Very chilling cases, I am pleased that Re. B and Re.C seem to be on a decent footing now, hats off to Lucy Reed, I do cringe at paragraph 82.
82. If the father’s application for public funding under LASPO is successful, then all well and good. If it is not, then I will have to consider what, if any, further order to make. In the circumstances explained in my earlier judgment (Q v Q  EWFC 7) I am satisfied that the attendance at court of both DS and JD is “necessary”. It follows that, if there is no other properly available public purse, the cost will, in my judgment, have to be borne by HMCTS. HMCTS will also have to pay the cost of providing the father with an interpreter in court. If the father is still unable to obtain representation, I will have to consider whether the cost of that should also be borne by HMCTS. That, however, is a matter for a future day.
HMCTS and the LAA must face-palming rather than flip charting and will no doubts be knocking on Chris Graylings’ door asking, just like Oliver, “Please Sir Can we have some more” and ” A Judgy has dispensed justice which we were not prepared for”
All of the cuts since LASPO will amount to nothing, it is quite frightening to think that the courts could be footing the bill for litigants representation, the implications would be immense.
It is also pleasing to see the President stating that HMCTS is a Public Body, and are bound by section 6 and 7 of the HRA 1998, I forget the times I have battled with HMCTS and they think they do not fall under that pretense.
The upshot of this, I feel will now throw out the legal aid budget and it will have to be re-drafted, I was almost certain that the LAA would have got their act together to prevent this judgment and matters from happening.
I am fairly sure that they will appeal – they are appealing the Gudanaviciene judgment and that one looks very solid to me. Or there will be some dubious statutory instrument (not that Grayling has any form on introducing secondary legislation on the back of LASPO without any power to do so…)
I meant to include in the piece that post Op Cotton, the judiciary seem to have decided that going along with the reforms and hoping they work isn’t cutting it and they need to speak out. Comparing what the President has done here (and others, in family, civil and crime) with what Wall and Ryder did when faced with the Legal Aid peeps stamping their feet and saying no, there’s a huge chasm between approaches. And the change is for the better.
I would think the MOJ would not have very many grounds to appeal Q v Q, MOJ were given the full opportunity to fight the case, they declined to intervene so *Raspberries* to them, I do not think that “Being Spanked by El Pres” is a ground for appeal these days
I am fairly sure you can appeal even as a non-party (and a major ground might be the reliance that the President places on Guadanviciene, which is itself being appealed. And I MIGHT also, if I was the MOJ, be looking at under what statutory provision the Court has to pay other parties legal costs out of central funds – there MIGHT be an argument that this takes the measures that are available to a Court in the event of a Human Rights breach into wholly new and potentially ‘made-up’ territory)
Don’t get me wrong, I like the decision, I am pleased with it. It is more pragmatic than thirty judicial reviews of the LAA unreasonably refusing s10 LASPO funding when a Judge has told them that the party needs funding to avoid an article 6 breach. But I don’t think that the judgment is bullet-proof (I think that Guadanaviciene is on much firmer ground legally speaking, and the MOJ are appealing that)
And I felt that the trial Judge in Op Cotton was right, and that his action was the only way to avoid article 6 breaches on a major scale, and the MOJ won THAT appeal. [Their problem in appealing the President might be more whether they would get a set of three appeal judges who would be prepared to over-rule him. Perhaps they should parachute Baroness Hale back down for that one…]
I am a Mckenzies friend ( you actually wrote about a case in which I was litigant in person, which is when. I started following your blog), and. I have to applaud you on your fantastically informative, unbiased, posts. I have learnt much from you.
Thank you Laura – that’s a very kind thing to say. Not sure I could really claim to be unbiased (and I’m sure a hatful of my regulars would say otherwise) but I try to be fair
This whole case is to me, rather ridiculous. There is no common sense approach in the UK any more, no straight forwardness.
Rather than go round the houses, wouldn’t it be more prudent to go by the outcome of the criminal case? If found guilty of paedophilia, then obviously the father would not be safe to be around the child, therefore, doing the sums would lead to a decision that there isn’t money to waste on a case that won’t be won.
If found not guilty, then he should have as much chance of seeing his child as anyone else, with a fully funded case
Btw – I am aware he is a convicted paedophile
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